Haiti: Relief and Reconstruction Watch is a blog that tracks multinational aid efforts in Haiti with an eye towards ensuring they are oriented towards the needs of the Haitian people, and that aid is not used to undermine Haitians' right to self-determination.
• HaitiHaitiUS Foreign PolicyPolítica exterior de EE. UU.
In late September, Haitian prime minister Gary Conille quietly reached an agreement with Studebaker Defense Group, a multinational security contractor whose employees include many former Pentagon and CIA officials. The firm had been angling for work in Haiti for more than a year.
In March 2023, retired US General Wesley Clark, who sits on Studebaker’s board, reached out to then prime minister Ariel Henry, even flying to Port-au-Prince to meet with government officials, as HRRW reported at the time. While a deal was not reached then, a spokesperson for Studebaker confirmed its current presence in Haiti.
“In a dedicated effort to enhance security and public safety in Haiti, Studebaker Group has launched a strategic training and mentoring initiative in support of the Haitian National Police,” the company said in a statement to HRRW, adding that they operate “purely in an advisory capacity,” and report “directly to the Director Generale [sic] of the PNH.”
The role of Studebaker, however, remains anything but clear. According to three sources who claimed to have direct knowledge of the situation, the contract was signed directly with Prime Minister Conille, bypassing the Transitional Presidential Council (TPC), which has found itself increasingly at odds with Conille in recent weeks.
“The Council was not informed and in fact confronted him about the matter,” a source close to the TPC told HRRW. “Even now, we haven’t seen the contract. So we don’t know the mission’s objectives, the number of personnel, if they are armed or not. Zero information.”
In a letter dated October 29 and addressed to the Secretary General of the Prime Minister, the TPC requested an urgent meeting to discuss the “presence of a private company” involved in public security, without mentioning Studebaker by name.
Though the exact number of Studebaker contractors deployed to Haiti remains unclear, they are joining dozens of foreign trainers already working with the Haitian police as well as some 430 troops deployed as part of the Kenyan-led and US-funded Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission. The statement from Studebaker did not specify how, or if, the contractors will interact with the MSS and other foreign governments involved in the security sector.
HRRW reached out to a spokesperson for the MSS but did not receive a response by the time of publication.
Though the company said it was acting strictly in an advisory capacity, sources close to the situation contradicted that claim, alleging that the contractors have directly participated in police operations, raising questions about rules of engagement and accountability for abuses.
On October 15, Haitian police announced that a joint operation had injured a prominent gang leader in what was described as their “first major incursion into gang-controlled territory since” the deployment of the MSS this past June.
But, according to those same sources, the operation was in fact planned with Studebaker and involved the contractors’ direct participation. The sources claimed that the operation was intended to target Vitel’homme Innocent, leader of the Kraze Barye gang. The FBI has offered a $2 million reward for information leading to his capture. It is unclear if the Studebaker contractors would be eligible for such a payment.
Ultimately, while police claimed to have injured one of Innocent’s deputies, the operation was unsuccessful. An MSS-operated armored vehicle was abandoned in the neighborhood and eventually destroyed. Innocent later released a video on social media of himself next to the burned-out vehicle. A spokesperson for the MSS did not respond when asked if the MSS had participated in the planning of the police operation.
Notably, when HRRW first reached out to Studebaker for comment, an official responded by noting that they had “a significant operation in place which involves [human intelligence] and operators on the ground” but that they could not provide further information because “We do not want to put these critical assets at risk.”
Adding to the confusion is what role, if any, the US government played in the contract. Generally, for a US-based security contractor to provide defense services in a foreign country, they would seek approval from the Department of State — or, at the very least, inform the US government of their intended activity. But, according to sources close to the situation, the US Embassy in Haiti was not even initially aware of the contract.
The Department of State did not respond to a request for comment.
In late September, Haitian prime minister Gary Conille quietly reached an agreement with Studebaker Defense Group, a multinational security contractor whose employees include many former Pentagon and CIA officials. The firm had been angling for work in Haiti for more than a year.
In March 2023, retired US General Wesley Clark, who sits on Studebaker’s board, reached out to then prime minister Ariel Henry, even flying to Port-au-Prince to meet with government officials, as HRRW reported at the time. While a deal was not reached then, a spokesperson for Studebaker confirmed its current presence in Haiti.
“In a dedicated effort to enhance security and public safety in Haiti, Studebaker Group has launched a strategic training and mentoring initiative in support of the Haitian National Police,” the company said in a statement to HRRW, adding that they operate “purely in an advisory capacity,” and report “directly to the Director Generale [sic] of the PNH.”
The role of Studebaker, however, remains anything but clear. According to three sources who claimed to have direct knowledge of the situation, the contract was signed directly with Prime Minister Conille, bypassing the Transitional Presidential Council (TPC), which has found itself increasingly at odds with Conille in recent weeks.
“The Council was not informed and in fact confronted him about the matter,” a source close to the TPC told HRRW. “Even now, we haven’t seen the contract. So we don’t know the mission’s objectives, the number of personnel, if they are armed or not. Zero information.”
In a letter dated October 29 and addressed to the Secretary General of the Prime Minister, the TPC requested an urgent meeting to discuss the “presence of a private company” involved in public security, without mentioning Studebaker by name.
Though the exact number of Studebaker contractors deployed to Haiti remains unclear, they are joining dozens of foreign trainers already working with the Haitian police as well as some 430 troops deployed as part of the Kenyan-led and US-funded Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission. The statement from Studebaker did not specify how, or if, the contractors will interact with the MSS and other foreign governments involved in the security sector.
HRRW reached out to a spokesperson for the MSS but did not receive a response by the time of publication.
Though the company said it was acting strictly in an advisory capacity, sources close to the situation contradicted that claim, alleging that the contractors have directly participated in police operations, raising questions about rules of engagement and accountability for abuses.
On October 15, Haitian police announced that a joint operation had injured a prominent gang leader in what was described as their “first major incursion into gang-controlled territory since” the deployment of the MSS this past June.
But, according to those same sources, the operation was in fact planned with Studebaker and involved the contractors’ direct participation. The sources claimed that the operation was intended to target Vitel’homme Innocent, leader of the Kraze Barye gang. The FBI has offered a $2 million reward for information leading to his capture. It is unclear if the Studebaker contractors would be eligible for such a payment.
Ultimately, while police claimed to have injured one of Innocent’s deputies, the operation was unsuccessful. An MSS-operated armored vehicle was abandoned in the neighborhood and eventually destroyed. Innocent later released a video on social media of himself next to the burned-out vehicle. A spokesperson for the MSS did not respond when asked if the MSS had participated in the planning of the police operation.
Notably, when HRRW first reached out to Studebaker for comment, an official responded by noting that they had “a significant operation in place which involves [human intelligence] and operators on the ground” but that they could not provide further information because “We do not want to put these critical assets at risk.”
Adding to the confusion is what role, if any, the US government played in the contract. Generally, for a US-based security contractor to provide defense services in a foreign country, they would seek approval from the Department of State — or, at the very least, inform the US government of their intended activity. But, according to sources close to the situation, the US Embassy in Haiti was not even initially aware of the contract.
The Department of State did not respond to a request for comment.
• HaitiHaitiLatin America and the CaribbeanAmérica Latina y el Caribe
• HaitiHaitiKenyaKeniaLatin America and the CaribbeanAmérica Latina y el CaribeUS Foreign PolicyPolítica exterior de EE. UU.WorldEl Mundo
• HaitiHaitiKenyaKeniaLatin America and the CaribbeanAmérica Latina y el CaribeWorldEl Mundo
• HaitiHaitiLatin America and the CaribbeanAmérica Latina y el CaribeUS Foreign PolicyPolítica exterior de EE. UU.WorldEl Mundo
• CARICOMHaitiHaitiLatin America and the CaribbeanAmérica Latina y el CaribeUS Foreign PolicyPolítica exterior de EE. UU.
