Beat the Press

Beat the press por Dean Baker

Beat the Press is Dean Baker's commentary on economic reporting. He is a Senior Economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR). To never miss a post, subscribe to a weekly email roundup of Beat the Press. Please also consider supporting the blog on Patreon.

Thoughts on Immigration Policy

Noah Smith of Noahpinion takes me to task (after some very nice comments) for being anti-immigration. I’m not sure I fit that description, but let me put together a few things that I have said in different places.  First of all, there is the immediate issue of what we do with the undocumented workers who are already here. I don’t see much ambiguity on this one; they should be allowed to normalize their status and become citizens. These people are here as a matter of government policy even if they are working in violation of the law. The government may often be less competent than we would like, but if the policy was to prevent foreigners without proper documents from working in the United States, then we would not have many millions of foreigners working without proper documents. We shouldn’t blame people who came here (like many of our parents or grandparents) to try to secure a better life for themselves and their children. If we want to punish someone for this violation of the law, we can always throw their employers behind bars. The question is really how we structure immigration policy going forward. Noah argues the merits for having an open door for high-skilled immigrants. I am 100 percent for this policy, although I may draw the line in a somewhat different place than Noah. I absolutely want to see more foreign doctors, dentists, lawyers and other professionals in the United States.
Noah Smith of Noahpinion takes me to task (after some very nice comments) for being anti-immigration. I’m not sure I fit that description, but let me put together a few things that I have said in different places.  First of all, there is the immediate issue of what we do with the undocumented workers who are already here. I don’t see much ambiguity on this one; they should be allowed to normalize their status and become citizens. These people are here as a matter of government policy even if they are working in violation of the law. The government may often be less competent than we would like, but if the policy was to prevent foreigners without proper documents from working in the United States, then we would not have many millions of foreigners working without proper documents. We shouldn’t blame people who came here (like many of our parents or grandparents) to try to secure a better life for themselves and their children. If we want to punish someone for this violation of the law, we can always throw their employers behind bars. The question is really how we structure immigration policy going forward. Noah argues the merits for having an open door for high-skilled immigrants. I am 100 percent for this policy, although I may draw the line in a somewhat different place than Noah. I absolutely want to see more foreign doctors, dentists, lawyers and other professionals in the United States.
Steven Davidoff really doesn't like financial transactions taxes (FTT) but is not honest enough to acknowledge this fact. Instead he tells readers that proponents of a tax haven't thought about its consequences and uncritically repeats every piece of nonsense produced by the financial industry to attack the idea. In the course of a 1300 word essay, we get assessments of the tax from Credit Suisse, Blackrock, and the Partnership for the City of New York, which is effectively the New York City Chamber of Commerce. All of these accounts are presented uncritically, as though the purveyors of this information had no interest other than conveying the truth. We are also told that the New York Stock Exchange "threatened to jump across the Hudson River to New Jersey" in reaction to a plan to increase the city's stock tax in the 1966 (interesting image). Davidoff apparently has never heard of businesses making threats to extract concessions from governments.  The NYT running a column like Davidoff's is like the Iowa City Press Citizen running a column on a plan to cut back farm subsidies where the views of the state's leading wheat and corn farmers are presented as unquestioned truth, along with a study from the corn growers trade organization. I suspect that the Press Citizen has higher standards. Meanwhile when it comes to the proponents of the tax, Davidoff lectures: "advocates of this neat idea conveniently ignore the century of less-than-successful experience with this tax, including New York State’s own failed attempt." This comment is more than a little bizarre. Davidoff writes as though proponents of the tax are completely ignorant of economics and have not done research into the history of financial transaction taxes.
Steven Davidoff really doesn't like financial transactions taxes (FTT) but is not honest enough to acknowledge this fact. Instead he tells readers that proponents of a tax haven't thought about its consequences and uncritically repeats every piece of nonsense produced by the financial industry to attack the idea. In the course of a 1300 word essay, we get assessments of the tax from Credit Suisse, Blackrock, and the Partnership for the City of New York, which is effectively the New York City Chamber of Commerce. All of these accounts are presented uncritically, as though the purveyors of this information had no interest other than conveying the truth. We are also told that the New York Stock Exchange "threatened to jump across the Hudson River to New Jersey" in reaction to a plan to increase the city's stock tax in the 1966 (interesting image). Davidoff apparently has never heard of businesses making threats to extract concessions from governments.  The NYT running a column like Davidoff's is like the Iowa City Press Citizen running a column on a plan to cut back farm subsidies where the views of the state's leading wheat and corn farmers are presented as unquestioned truth, along with a study from the corn growers trade organization. I suspect that the Press Citizen has higher standards. Meanwhile when it comes to the proponents of the tax, Davidoff lectures: "advocates of this neat idea conveniently ignore the century of less-than-successful experience with this tax, including New York State’s own failed attempt." This comment is more than a little bizarre. Davidoff writes as though proponents of the tax are completely ignorant of economics and have not done research into the history of financial transaction taxes.

The NYT had a very good piece on how government cutbacks in spending and employment have slowed the recovery. At one point it presents the view of Tyler Cowen, an economics professor at George Mason University, that:

“military contractors and personnel might be able to find new jobs with relative ease, because unemployment rates are fairly low for well-educated workers.”

While workers with college degrees do have lower unemployment rates than less educated workers, the current unemployment rate is close to twice its pre-recession level.

Unemployment Rate for College Graduates

[Unemployment Rate for People With at Least a College Degree. Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics.]

 Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics.

 

Note: Typo corrected.

The NYT had a very good piece on how government cutbacks in spending and employment have slowed the recovery. At one point it presents the view of Tyler Cowen, an economics professor at George Mason University, that:

“military contractors and personnel might be able to find new jobs with relative ease, because unemployment rates are fairly low for well-educated workers.”

While workers with college degrees do have lower unemployment rates than less educated workers, the current unemployment rate is close to twice its pre-recession level.

Unemployment Rate for College Graduates

[Unemployment Rate for People With at Least a College Degree. Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics.]

 Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics.

 

Note: Typo corrected.

At least it is for those who want to see its economy grow. In a context where the government is cutting back spending in an already depressed economy, the boost in net exports that would be expected to be the result of a lower valued currency is pretty much the only plausible source for an increase in demand. It would have been useful to mention this fact in an article that implied the fall in the pound is bad news for the UK.

At least it is for those who want to see its economy grow. In a context where the government is cutting back spending in an already depressed economy, the boost in net exports that would be expected to be the result of a lower valued currency is pretty much the only plausible source for an increase in demand. It would have been useful to mention this fact in an article that implied the fall in the pound is bad news for the UK.

That might seem to be the definition given the way they are often featured in news accounts. A NYT piece on the results of the election in Italy, in which a comedian received almost a quarter of the votes, told readers:

“Few experts anticipated the depth of anger displayed by Italian voters over the austerity that Mr. Monti, the technocrat beloved by other European leaders but resented at home for pushing tax increases and spending cuts, represented. The electorate chose two men convicted of crimes — Mr. Berlusconi and Mr. Grillo — over the one Italian leader in whom the rest of Europe had put great faith.”

It is interesting that the experts were surprised. There have been large protests against the austerity measures across southern Europe. And, there was a clear shift away from the centrist parties in earlier elections in Greece. It is not clear why experts would be surprised to see a similar development in Italy.

Of course experts in economics were almost all surprised by the largest economic downturn since the Great Depression. It seems that the word may not mean what people think it means.

At one point, the piece notes that interest rates could again rise on Italian debt, imposing serious strains on its budget, commenting:

“Market pressures could nevertheless return to Italy and other euro zone countries.”

It is somewhat misleading to describe the prospect of higher interest rates as simply “market pressures.” The European Central Bank (ECB) has the ability to keep down the interest rate on the debt of Italy and other euro zone countries or to make it rise. If these countries come to see higher interest rates it will be the result of a policy decision by the ECB, not simply the random workings of the market.

That might seem to be the definition given the way they are often featured in news accounts. A NYT piece on the results of the election in Italy, in which a comedian received almost a quarter of the votes, told readers:

“Few experts anticipated the depth of anger displayed by Italian voters over the austerity that Mr. Monti, the technocrat beloved by other European leaders but resented at home for pushing tax increases and spending cuts, represented. The electorate chose two men convicted of crimes — Mr. Berlusconi and Mr. Grillo — over the one Italian leader in whom the rest of Europe had put great faith.”

It is interesting that the experts were surprised. There have been large protests against the austerity measures across southern Europe. And, there was a clear shift away from the centrist parties in earlier elections in Greece. It is not clear why experts would be surprised to see a similar development in Italy.

Of course experts in economics were almost all surprised by the largest economic downturn since the Great Depression. It seems that the word may not mean what people think it means.

At one point, the piece notes that interest rates could again rise on Italian debt, imposing serious strains on its budget, commenting:

“Market pressures could nevertheless return to Italy and other euro zone countries.”

It is somewhat misleading to describe the prospect of higher interest rates as simply “market pressures.” The European Central Bank (ECB) has the ability to keep down the interest rate on the debt of Italy and other euro zone countries or to make it rise. If these countries come to see higher interest rates it will be the result of a policy decision by the ECB, not simply the random workings of the market.

The Post had a useful article on the growing wealth gap between whites and African Americans. It notes various factors such as higher unemployment rates and smaller inheritances that prevent African Americans from accumulating wealth. However the piece concludes by saying:

“Many experts say housing is still the best way for Americans of all races to build wealth. But it is critical for families to have low-cost financing so they can have predictable housing costs going forward and build wealth over time.

‘If done right and responsibly, homeownership is a very important piece of the wealth puzzle for the long term,’ said Reid Cramer, director of the Asset Building Program at the New America Foundation.”

It would have been worth pointing out that almost all of these experts also pushed homeownership as a wealth building strategy at the peak of the bubble. Those who followed the advice of these experts were virtually certain to see large losses in home values that would wipe out much or all of their wealth.

Even when housing is not in a bubble, for many individuals who are not in a stable job or family situation, homeownership is likely to be a very bad way to build wealth. There are large transactions costs associated with homeownership, typically around 10 percent of the purchase price. (That’s combining buy and sell side costs.)

If a person cannot expect to stay in a home for at least five years, they are unlikely to cover these costs. In such situations they would be better off renting and trying to save the extra money they would have paid on a mortgage and other ownership costs.

The Post had a useful article on the growing wealth gap between whites and African Americans. It notes various factors such as higher unemployment rates and smaller inheritances that prevent African Americans from accumulating wealth. However the piece concludes by saying:

“Many experts say housing is still the best way for Americans of all races to build wealth. But it is critical for families to have low-cost financing so they can have predictable housing costs going forward and build wealth over time.

‘If done right and responsibly, homeownership is a very important piece of the wealth puzzle for the long term,’ said Reid Cramer, director of the Asset Building Program at the New America Foundation.”

It would have been worth pointing out that almost all of these experts also pushed homeownership as a wealth building strategy at the peak of the bubble. Those who followed the advice of these experts were virtually certain to see large losses in home values that would wipe out much or all of their wealth.

Even when housing is not in a bubble, for many individuals who are not in a stable job or family situation, homeownership is likely to be a very bad way to build wealth. There are large transactions costs associated with homeownership, typically around 10 percent of the purchase price. (That’s combining buy and sell side costs.)

If a person cannot expect to stay in a home for at least five years, they are unlikely to cover these costs. In such situations they would be better off renting and trying to save the extra money they would have paid on a mortgage and other ownership costs.

Paul Krugman and the 90 Percent Zombie

Paul Krugman is engaged in battle with the 90 percent zombie: the claim that economies go to hell when their ratio of debt to GDP exceeds 90 percent. He makes the obvious point that it is really impossible to untangle cause and effect with such a small sample. The countries that had debt to GDP ratios above 90 percent all had other major problems that likely would have impeded growth even if they had no debt.

I have written numerous times as to why this claim is beyond silly. Among other things, government can sell off assets that would substantially reduce their debt. In the old days governments used to sell off the right to collect certain taxes. We do something similar today with patent and copyright monopolies. Anyhow, if we used these routes to get our debt to GDP ratio below 90 percent, would everyone be happy?

However, to my mind, the bullet to zombie head in this story is the fact that we can easily change the debt to GDP ratio with some simple and costless debt management. If interest rates rise as projected, we would have the opportunity to buy back trillions of dollars of the debt issued in the current low interest rate environment at sharp discounts. Suppose we bought back $4 trillion in long-term debt at a price of $3 trillion because higher interest rates lowered the price of the outstanding bonds.

This would immediately chop 6 percentage points off our debt to GDP ratio. If that pushed us from 92 percent of GDP to 86 percent of GDP, is everything now hunky dory? According to the 90 percent zombie story it would be. For folks more grounded in reality this is a waste of time.

Paul Krugman is engaged in battle with the 90 percent zombie: the claim that economies go to hell when their ratio of debt to GDP exceeds 90 percent. He makes the obvious point that it is really impossible to untangle cause and effect with such a small sample. The countries that had debt to GDP ratios above 90 percent all had other major problems that likely would have impeded growth even if they had no debt.

I have written numerous times as to why this claim is beyond silly. Among other things, government can sell off assets that would substantially reduce their debt. In the old days governments used to sell off the right to collect certain taxes. We do something similar today with patent and copyright monopolies. Anyhow, if we used these routes to get our debt to GDP ratio below 90 percent, would everyone be happy?

However, to my mind, the bullet to zombie head in this story is the fact that we can easily change the debt to GDP ratio with some simple and costless debt management. If interest rates rise as projected, we would have the opportunity to buy back trillions of dollars of the debt issued in the current low interest rate environment at sharp discounts. Suppose we bought back $4 trillion in long-term debt at a price of $3 trillion because higher interest rates lowered the price of the outstanding bonds.

This would immediately chop 6 percentage points off our debt to GDP ratio. If that pushed us from 92 percent of GDP to 86 percent of GDP, is everything now hunky dory? According to the 90 percent zombie story it would be. For folks more grounded in reality this is a waste of time.

After all, that is what real Democrats are supposed to do. (It's not sufficient in David Brooksland to have just one party that openly advocates redistributing money to rich people.) Of course Brooks doesn't put the agenda he imagines as bold in these terms, but these are two of his three big points. On taxes he proposes replacing the income tax with a value added tax for people earning less than $100,000 and reducing the corporate income tax to 15 percent. Brooks asserts that this will increase fairness while boosting growth. Really? We have been redistributing the tax burden downward for most of the last three decades. It is certainly possible that growth would be even worse had we not lowered marginal tax rates, but it is not easy to find the growth dividend in this picture. Brooks associates this shift with eliminating unnecessary income tax forms. It is not clear that his preferred plan would lessen the need for forms, since it would require tens of millions of rebates if it were not to be horribly regressive compared to the current system. However, the idea of getting rid of tax returns is an interesting one. The United States could get rid of most returns even under the current system. It could follow the example of several European countries where the IRS would compile tax returns for people and send the returns to them for their inspection. Taxpayers would then either accept the calculated tax liability or file the forms to show why the government's calculation is in error. The reason for not going this route is that H&R Block doesn't want the government to save people the time and money involved in tax preparation. David Brooks doesn't talk about beating up on the tax preparation industry, because his hero president doesn't do things like that. On Medicare, Brooks continues the myth about the affluent elderly suggesting that: "Obama would take spending that currently goes to the affluent elderly and redirect it to the young and the struggling." That's a great line, too bad Brooks has no clue about income distribution among the elderly. We just had a big debate over tax rates on the wealthy. The cutoff for this category was put at $400,000 for a single individual. If we used the same cutoff for defining "affluent" among the elderly, it would net us less than 0.5 percent of Medicare beneficiaries. This means that using this income level as a strict cutoff (as opposed to a phase-out) would save us less than 0.5 percent of benefits with a strict means-test at this point. Even if we made the cutoff $200,000, or less than half of this level, we would save much less than 1.0 percent of benefits with a strict cutoff.
After all, that is what real Democrats are supposed to do. (It's not sufficient in David Brooksland to have just one party that openly advocates redistributing money to rich people.) Of course Brooks doesn't put the agenda he imagines as bold in these terms, but these are two of his three big points. On taxes he proposes replacing the income tax with a value added tax for people earning less than $100,000 and reducing the corporate income tax to 15 percent. Brooks asserts that this will increase fairness while boosting growth. Really? We have been redistributing the tax burden downward for most of the last three decades. It is certainly possible that growth would be even worse had we not lowered marginal tax rates, but it is not easy to find the growth dividend in this picture. Brooks associates this shift with eliminating unnecessary income tax forms. It is not clear that his preferred plan would lessen the need for forms, since it would require tens of millions of rebates if it were not to be horribly regressive compared to the current system. However, the idea of getting rid of tax returns is an interesting one. The United States could get rid of most returns even under the current system. It could follow the example of several European countries where the IRS would compile tax returns for people and send the returns to them for their inspection. Taxpayers would then either accept the calculated tax liability or file the forms to show why the government's calculation is in error. The reason for not going this route is that H&R Block doesn't want the government to save people the time and money involved in tax preparation. David Brooks doesn't talk about beating up on the tax preparation industry, because his hero president doesn't do things like that. On Medicare, Brooks continues the myth about the affluent elderly suggesting that: "Obama would take spending that currently goes to the affluent elderly and redirect it to the young and the struggling." That's a great line, too bad Brooks has no clue about income distribution among the elderly. We just had a big debate over tax rates on the wealthy. The cutoff for this category was put at $400,000 for a single individual. If we used the same cutoff for defining "affluent" among the elderly, it would net us less than 0.5 percent of Medicare beneficiaries. This means that using this income level as a strict cutoff (as opposed to a phase-out) would save us less than 0.5 percent of benefits with a strict means-test at this point. Even if we made the cutoff $200,000, or less than half of this level, we would save much less than 1.0 percent of benefits with a strict cutoff.

The NYT reported on questions from Senate Republicans on the investments of Jack Lew, President Obama’s nominee to be Treasury Secretary. The questions focused on whether Lew had taken advantage of tax havens in the Cayman Islands. It then told readers:

“Privately, officials involved in the confirmation process called the spate of attacks on Mr. Lew politically motivated, arguing that the Cayman Islands criticisms are a direct reprisal for attacks leveled at Mitt Romney during the presidential campaign for his offshore bank accounts.”

It’s not obvious why “officials involved in the confirmation process” could not make their views known on the record or why the NYT should print their views if they insist on being off the record. The article also cites Lew’s assertion that he did not enjoy any tax advantage because of the investment’s location in the Cayman Islands and his claim that he lost money on the investment.

While the claim that he lost money is obviously intended to imply that there was nothing improper about the investment, the piece should have pointed out to readers that this is a non-sequitur. Suppose that Lew was offered the opportunity to buy $1 million in lottery tickets at half price as a way of making a payoff to him. The fact that Lew may still have lost money on his tickets would not change the fact that he had accepted a payoff. It would have been helpful if the NYT had reminded readers of this logic. 

The NYT reported on questions from Senate Republicans on the investments of Jack Lew, President Obama’s nominee to be Treasury Secretary. The questions focused on whether Lew had taken advantage of tax havens in the Cayman Islands. It then told readers:

“Privately, officials involved in the confirmation process called the spate of attacks on Mr. Lew politically motivated, arguing that the Cayman Islands criticisms are a direct reprisal for attacks leveled at Mitt Romney during the presidential campaign for his offshore bank accounts.”

It’s not obvious why “officials involved in the confirmation process” could not make their views known on the record or why the NYT should print their views if they insist on being off the record. The article also cites Lew’s assertion that he did not enjoy any tax advantage because of the investment’s location in the Cayman Islands and his claim that he lost money on the investment.

While the claim that he lost money is obviously intended to imply that there was nothing improper about the investment, the piece should have pointed out to readers that this is a non-sequitur. Suppose that Lew was offered the opportunity to buy $1 million in lottery tickets at half price as a way of making a payoff to him. The fact that Lew may still have lost money on his tickets would not change the fact that he had accepted a payoff. It would have been helpful if the NYT had reminded readers of this logic. 

Actually he neglected to mention this fact in his column this morning. (It's less than 1.0 percent of GDP and only about 0.5 percent of GDP if we net out the interest rebated by the Fed.) Samuelson tells us: "The true national debt could be triple the conventional estimate, anywhere from $11 trillion to $31 trillion by my reckoning. The differences mostly reflect explicit and implicit “off-budget” federal loan guarantees. In another economic downturn, these could result in large losses that would be brought “on budget” and worsen already huge deficits. That’s the danger. "My purpose is not to scare or sensationalize. It’s simply to illuminate the problem." Actually, Samuelson may have inadvertently done the latter. If you want to make the jump from the $11 trillion commonly used number, or the $16 trillion debt subject to the legal debt ceiling, to get to Samuelson's $31 trillion, you have to add $2.9 trillion in loan guarantees (largely student loans and small businesses), $5.1 trillion in mortgages guaranteed through Fannie and Freddie, and $7.3 trillion in federal deposit insurance. What's neat about these additional debts is that they are tied to assets. In the case of small businesses, the assets are the businesses. In the case of mortgages, the assets are the houses. In the case of deposit insurance, the assets are the deposits and the banks' assets. (I left out student loans -- we can't force people to work, but it is pretty hard to imagine a situation where all of our doctors and lawyers can't pay any of the debt they owe.)
Actually he neglected to mention this fact in his column this morning. (It's less than 1.0 percent of GDP and only about 0.5 percent of GDP if we net out the interest rebated by the Fed.) Samuelson tells us: "The true national debt could be triple the conventional estimate, anywhere from $11 trillion to $31 trillion by my reckoning. The differences mostly reflect explicit and implicit “off-budget” federal loan guarantees. In another economic downturn, these could result in large losses that would be brought “on budget” and worsen already huge deficits. That’s the danger. "My purpose is not to scare or sensationalize. It’s simply to illuminate the problem." Actually, Samuelson may have inadvertently done the latter. If you want to make the jump from the $11 trillion commonly used number, or the $16 trillion debt subject to the legal debt ceiling, to get to Samuelson's $31 trillion, you have to add $2.9 trillion in loan guarantees (largely student loans and small businesses), $5.1 trillion in mortgages guaranteed through Fannie and Freddie, and $7.3 trillion in federal deposit insurance. What's neat about these additional debts is that they are tied to assets. In the case of small businesses, the assets are the businesses. In the case of mortgages, the assets are the houses. In the case of deposit insurance, the assets are the deposits and the banks' assets. (I left out student loans -- we can't force people to work, but it is pretty hard to imagine a situation where all of our doctors and lawyers can't pay any of the debt they owe.)

Want to search in the archives?

¿Quieres buscar en los archivos?

Click Here Haga clic aquí