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Beat the press por Dean Baker

Beat the Press is Dean Baker's commentary on economic reporting. He is a Senior Economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR). To never miss a post, subscribe to a weekly email roundup of Beat the Press. Please also consider supporting the blog on Patreon.

Of course, the paper did not actually warn of the cheap trick the Republicans are considering. It just mentioned it in passing as though it was a serious policy proposal:

“House Republicans are considering a key change to 401(k)s as part of their tax overhaul package: Taxing the money that workers place in their savings plans upfront instead of years later when they take it out in retirement.”

The only possible rationale for taxing money when it is put into a 401(k) account rather than when it is pulled out is to change the timing of tax collections since there will be little net change in revenue over the long-term. By taxing the payments into the system, the government will collect more revenue during the 10-year horizon over which budget projections are made. However, this will be almost completely offset by lower tax collections in later years.

As policy, this makes zero sense. The point of 401(k)s is supposed to be encouraging people to save. There is much research showing that the prospect of an immediate tax saving gives strong incentive to save. This means that eliminating the immediate tax deduction will almost certainly mean less savings in 401(k)s.

There is the advantage that this change will appear to offset the lost revenue from Republican tax cuts for rich people. Unfortunately, most Post readers might not be aware of this rationale for the policy change.

Of course, the paper did not actually warn of the cheap trick the Republicans are considering. It just mentioned it in passing as though it was a serious policy proposal:

“House Republicans are considering a key change to 401(k)s as part of their tax overhaul package: Taxing the money that workers place in their savings plans upfront instead of years later when they take it out in retirement.”

The only possible rationale for taxing money when it is put into a 401(k) account rather than when it is pulled out is to change the timing of tax collections since there will be little net change in revenue over the long-term. By taxing the payments into the system, the government will collect more revenue during the 10-year horizon over which budget projections are made. However, this will be almost completely offset by lower tax collections in later years.

As policy, this makes zero sense. The point of 401(k)s is supposed to be encouraging people to save. There is much research showing that the prospect of an immediate tax saving gives strong incentive to save. This means that eliminating the immediate tax deduction will almost certainly mean less savings in 401(k)s.

There is the advantage that this change will appear to offset the lost revenue from Republican tax cuts for rich people. Unfortunately, most Post readers might not be aware of this rationale for the policy change.

NYT Goes Hard Core Protectionist

We all know how hard it is for people with advanced degrees to compete in the global economy, but how much government help do we have to give them? Apparently, whatever we give them in strong patent and copyright protections (yes folks, this is protectionism, no matter how much you like it) is not enough.

In an editorial on relations with China, the NYT offers this encouraging (to the rich) pronouncement:

“On intellectual property, now that China is putting energy into developing its own technology instead of just stealing America’s, the two could work together on stronger protections.”

Isn’t that great? We can redistribute more money to people who benefit from patent and copyright monopolies and then say it’s just unfortunate that technology leads to an upward redistribution of income. And most of our intellectual class are sufficiently s**t-for-brains to treat that as a serious argument.

And yes folks, there are alternatives to patent and copyright monopolies for financing research and creative work. But, as we all know, intellectuals have a hard time dealing with new ideas.

We all know how hard it is for people with advanced degrees to compete in the global economy, but how much government help do we have to give them? Apparently, whatever we give them in strong patent and copyright protections (yes folks, this is protectionism, no matter how much you like it) is not enough.

In an editorial on relations with China, the NYT offers this encouraging (to the rich) pronouncement:

“On intellectual property, now that China is putting energy into developing its own technology instead of just stealing America’s, the two could work together on stronger protections.”

Isn’t that great? We can redistribute more money to people who benefit from patent and copyright monopolies and then say it’s just unfortunate that technology leads to an upward redistribution of income. And most of our intellectual class are sufficiently s**t-for-brains to treat that as a serious argument.

And yes folks, there are alternatives to patent and copyright monopolies for financing research and creative work. But, as we all know, intellectuals have a hard time dealing with new ideas.

Yeah, what else is new. After all, no one thinks that a conservative columnist writing for the country’s most important newspaper should have any clue about the topics they cover.

Brooks uses his column today to tell us that workers are getting their share of the economic pie and the real problem is productivity growth.

“The problem of the middle-class squeeze, in short, may not be with how the fruits of productivity are distributed, but the fact that there isn’t much productivity growth at all. It’s not that a rising tide doesn’t lift all boats; it’s that the tide is not rising fast enough.”

Sorry Mr. Brooks, but the numbers don’t agree with you. Here’s the story on average hourly earnings for production and non-supervisory workers since 2007. This is a good proxy for the median wage since it excludes high-end workers like doctors, Wall Street types, and CEOs.

wages production

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics.

After rising by less than 2.0 percent between 2007 and 2013, real wages have started to grow at a respectable pace in the last four years. Still, they are just 8.0 percent above their 2007 level. By contrast, productivity has risen by 13.7 percent over this period. That’s a difference of 5.7 percentage points over the last decade.

For a person earning $40,000 a year, the loss due to the gap between productivity growth and wage growth is equivalent to a tax increase of $2,280 a year. Would Brooks try to tell readers that a tax increase of this magnitude is small change? If we go further back to 1980, when inequality first started to take off, the gap would be closer to 40 percentage points. Anyhow, it’s cute that Brooks wants to tell us not to think about all the money going to rich people and just concentrate on productivity growth, but this stuff is too silly even for children’s games.

There, however, is one point here worth noting. As unemployment has fallen, workers have been seeing their share of gains from productivity growth. This is a huge deal, which points to the importance of Federal Reserve Board policy.

There were many economists who wanted the Fed to take a tighter stance on monetary policy and keep the unemployment rate from falling as low as it has. The decision by the Fed to be relatively slow in raising interest rates has not only allowed millions of additional workers to get jobs, it has also meant higher pay for those who were already working. This makes an enormous difference to the country’s workers, but don’t expect to see anything about it in a David Brooks column.

Yeah, what else is new. After all, no one thinks that a conservative columnist writing for the country’s most important newspaper should have any clue about the topics they cover.

Brooks uses his column today to tell us that workers are getting their share of the economic pie and the real problem is productivity growth.

“The problem of the middle-class squeeze, in short, may not be with how the fruits of productivity are distributed, but the fact that there isn’t much productivity growth at all. It’s not that a rising tide doesn’t lift all boats; it’s that the tide is not rising fast enough.”

Sorry Mr. Brooks, but the numbers don’t agree with you. Here’s the story on average hourly earnings for production and non-supervisory workers since 2007. This is a good proxy for the median wage since it excludes high-end workers like doctors, Wall Street types, and CEOs.

wages production

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics.

After rising by less than 2.0 percent between 2007 and 2013, real wages have started to grow at a respectable pace in the last four years. Still, they are just 8.0 percent above their 2007 level. By contrast, productivity has risen by 13.7 percent over this period. That’s a difference of 5.7 percentage points over the last decade.

For a person earning $40,000 a year, the loss due to the gap between productivity growth and wage growth is equivalent to a tax increase of $2,280 a year. Would Brooks try to tell readers that a tax increase of this magnitude is small change? If we go further back to 1980, when inequality first started to take off, the gap would be closer to 40 percentage points. Anyhow, it’s cute that Brooks wants to tell us not to think about all the money going to rich people and just concentrate on productivity growth, but this stuff is too silly even for children’s games.

There, however, is one point here worth noting. As unemployment has fallen, workers have been seeing their share of gains from productivity growth. This is a huge deal, which points to the importance of Federal Reserve Board policy.

There were many economists who wanted the Fed to take a tighter stance on monetary policy and keep the unemployment rate from falling as low as it has. The decision by the Fed to be relatively slow in raising interest rates has not only allowed millions of additional workers to get jobs, it has also meant higher pay for those who were already working. This makes an enormous difference to the country’s workers, but don’t expect to see anything about it in a David Brooks column.

Ruchir Sharma, the chief global strategist at Morgan Stanley Investment Management, used his NYT column to argue that central banks have to include fighting asset bubbles on their agenda, in addition to promoting high employment and low inflation. As someone who has argued this for two decades, I am sympathetic to the point; however, Sharma gets a couple of big things wrong. First, the big issue with bubbles is whether they are moving the economy. This is something that is easy to determine for folks familiar with introductory economics. The issue here is whether some component of demand is out of line with its long-term trend. That was easy to see in the late 1990s as the wealth created by the stock bubble led to a consumption boom, pushing the saving rate to a then-record low. The investment share of GDP also became unusually high, with investment concentrated in the tech sector where stock prices were most out of line with corporate profits.  The same was true of the housing bubble in the last decade. Residential construction hit a record 6.5 percent share of GDP, a level that clearly did not make sense given the underlying demographics of the country. The wealth effect from the bubble created housing wealth led to an even larger consumption boom than the 1990s stock bubble, as savings rates fell even lower than they had in the late 1990s. It is difficult to understand how the Fed could have missed the impact of the bubble or think that these sources of demand could be easily replaced when the bubble burst.
Ruchir Sharma, the chief global strategist at Morgan Stanley Investment Management, used his NYT column to argue that central banks have to include fighting asset bubbles on their agenda, in addition to promoting high employment and low inflation. As someone who has argued this for two decades, I am sympathetic to the point; however, Sharma gets a couple of big things wrong. First, the big issue with bubbles is whether they are moving the economy. This is something that is easy to determine for folks familiar with introductory economics. The issue here is whether some component of demand is out of line with its long-term trend. That was easy to see in the late 1990s as the wealth created by the stock bubble led to a consumption boom, pushing the saving rate to a then-record low. The investment share of GDP also became unusually high, with investment concentrated in the tech sector where stock prices were most out of line with corporate profits.  The same was true of the housing bubble in the last decade. Residential construction hit a record 6.5 percent share of GDP, a level that clearly did not make sense given the underlying demographics of the country. The wealth effect from the bubble created housing wealth led to an even larger consumption boom than the 1990s stock bubble, as savings rates fell even lower than they had in the late 1990s. It is difficult to understand how the Fed could have missed the impact of the bubble or think that these sources of demand could be easily replaced when the bubble burst.

Morning Edition had a segment on efforts to counter the Trump administration’s proposal to cut foreign aid, including money going to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria. The segment featured a comment from Bill Gates, whose foundation also supports this fund.

Gates noted the lack of support for foreign aid and attributed it to the media’s tendency to highlight failures, where money is poorly spent or stolen, as opposed to the success stories. While there is undoubtedly some truth to this argument, the more likely problem is the fratboy reporting on budget issues that gives the audience zero context.

In the case of the Global Fund, when people hear about it they are likely to hear that the U.S. will spend up to $4.3 billion this year. This might lead people to think that we are devoting a substantial share of the budget to this fund, at the expense of other programs and/or raising people’s taxes.

In fact, this sum is roughly to 0.1 percent of the budget, it comes to roughly $13 per person for everyone in the country. For another comparison, it is roughly 36 times the excess cost (the amount paid beyond what it cost to protect a normal president) of Donald Trump’s secret service protection. In other words, it would not be the reason that people are paying taxes they consider high.

Polls consistently show the public grossly overestimates the share of the budget going to foreign aid, with median estimates in the range of 25 to 30 percent of the budget, when the total is less than 1.0 percent, even when being very generous about what counts as aid. This is likely due at least in part to the fratboy reporting on aid, which gives people no information whatsoever.

It is amazing that National Public Radio, the New York Times, and other leading news outlets continue the bizarre practice of reporting large numbers without context, even when everyone knows it is not providing information to the vast majority of their audience. It is a very simple matter to express a budget number as a share of the total budget or to use some other comparison that would give it meaning to listeners and readers. However, news outlets refuse to do this.

They instead engage in mindless fratboy reporting where they carry through the ritual of giving a large number that means absolutely nothing to the people who see it, and then pretend they have done their job. This is a major reason people are hostile to programs like foreign aid, TANF, food stamps and other programs that benefit the poor here and elsewhere.

Yes, I know many people are racist and hate these programs for that reason. But many people who are not especially racist (i.e. they vote for people like Hillary Clinton) also believe that 30 percent of our budget goes to foreign aid or TANF. If these programs actually did cost that much much money, there would be good reasons for not supporting them, since they don’t have that much to show.

Morning Edition had a segment on efforts to counter the Trump administration’s proposal to cut foreign aid, including money going to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria. The segment featured a comment from Bill Gates, whose foundation also supports this fund.

Gates noted the lack of support for foreign aid and attributed it to the media’s tendency to highlight failures, where money is poorly spent or stolen, as opposed to the success stories. While there is undoubtedly some truth to this argument, the more likely problem is the fratboy reporting on budget issues that gives the audience zero context.

In the case of the Global Fund, when people hear about it they are likely to hear that the U.S. will spend up to $4.3 billion this year. This might lead people to think that we are devoting a substantial share of the budget to this fund, at the expense of other programs and/or raising people’s taxes.

In fact, this sum is roughly to 0.1 percent of the budget, it comes to roughly $13 per person for everyone in the country. For another comparison, it is roughly 36 times the excess cost (the amount paid beyond what it cost to protect a normal president) of Donald Trump’s secret service protection. In other words, it would not be the reason that people are paying taxes they consider high.

Polls consistently show the public grossly overestimates the share of the budget going to foreign aid, with median estimates in the range of 25 to 30 percent of the budget, when the total is less than 1.0 percent, even when being very generous about what counts as aid. This is likely due at least in part to the fratboy reporting on aid, which gives people no information whatsoever.

It is amazing that National Public Radio, the New York Times, and other leading news outlets continue the bizarre practice of reporting large numbers without context, even when everyone knows it is not providing information to the vast majority of their audience. It is a very simple matter to express a budget number as a share of the total budget or to use some other comparison that would give it meaning to listeners and readers. However, news outlets refuse to do this.

They instead engage in mindless fratboy reporting where they carry through the ritual of giving a large number that means absolutely nothing to the people who see it, and then pretend they have done their job. This is a major reason people are hostile to programs like foreign aid, TANF, food stamps and other programs that benefit the poor here and elsewhere.

Yes, I know many people are racist and hate these programs for that reason. But many people who are not especially racist (i.e. they vote for people like Hillary Clinton) also believe that 30 percent of our budget goes to foreign aid or TANF. If these programs actually did cost that much much money, there would be good reasons for not supporting them, since they don’t have that much to show.

The NYT had a piece on prices being charged by drug companies for new types of treatment for cancer, which can run as high as $1 million a year. While the piece noted the argument of one industry critic, Dr. Aaron Kesselheim, that we don’t pay firefighters when they show up at a fire or based on how many lives they save, it didn’t carry through the logic of this point.

The alternative implied by Dr. Kesselheim’s remark is that we could pay for the research upfront, as we already do to some extent with funding for the National Institutes of Health and the Orphan Drug Tax Credit. If the government paid for research upfront, then in nearly all cases the price of treatment would be trivial, since the cost of manufacturing and delivering the drug is rarely very high. It would have been worth presenting this alternative more clearly in the piece.

The NYT had a piece on prices being charged by drug companies for new types of treatment for cancer, which can run as high as $1 million a year. While the piece noted the argument of one industry critic, Dr. Aaron Kesselheim, that we don’t pay firefighters when they show up at a fire or based on how many lives they save, it didn’t carry through the logic of this point.

The alternative implied by Dr. Kesselheim’s remark is that we could pay for the research upfront, as we already do to some extent with funding for the National Institutes of Health and the Orphan Drug Tax Credit. If the government paid for research upfront, then in nearly all cases the price of treatment would be trivial, since the cost of manufacturing and delivering the drug is rarely very high. It would have been worth presenting this alternative more clearly in the piece.

Readers may have missed this fact, but this is what the NYT said in an article on the prospect for tax reform when it told readers:

“Democrats have also been deeply skeptical of the Trump administration’s plans to repeal the estate tax, which it has said has been harmful to family farmers.”

If the Trump administration has been saying the estate tax has been harmful to family farmers it is lying since virtually no family farmers will owe a penny as a result of the estate tax. This would be known to NYT since the paper ran a piece 16 years ago which noted that the American Farm Bureau Federation, a strong opponent of the estate tax, could not identify a single person who had lost a family farm as a result of the estate tax.

Readers may have missed this fact, but this is what the NYT said in an article on the prospect for tax reform when it told readers:

“Democrats have also been deeply skeptical of the Trump administration’s plans to repeal the estate tax, which it has said has been harmful to family farmers.”

If the Trump administration has been saying the estate tax has been harmful to family farmers it is lying since virtually no family farmers will owe a penny as a result of the estate tax. This would be known to NYT since the paper ran a piece 16 years ago which noted that the American Farm Bureau Federation, a strong opponent of the estate tax, could not identify a single person who had lost a family farm as a result of the estate tax.

According to an article in Sunday’s paper, employers are now able to find the workers they need by going to cities with large amounts of unemployment or underemployment.

According to an article in Sunday’s paper, employers are now able to find the workers they need by going to cities with large amounts of unemployment or underemployment.

The Census Bureau reported that the percentage of people without health insurance fell by 0.3 percentage points in 2016 to 8.8 percent. This puts the cumulative gain in coverage since 2013, when the main Affordable Care Act provisions took effect, at 4.5 percentage points.

By state, the largest drop in the percent of the population that is uninsured was in California, which had a decline of 9.8 percentage points to 7.3 percent. Next was New Mexico with a decline of 9.5 percentage points, giving it an uninsurance rate of 9.2 percent, and Nevada with a drop of 9.3 percentage points to 11.4 percent.

The smallest decline over this period was in Massachusetts, where the percent uninsured fell by just 1.2 percentage points, but this is due to the fact that it had an uninsured rate of just 3.7 percent in 2013. Wyoming had the second smallest decline, with the rate falling by 1.3 percentage points to 11.5 percent.

Texas, Alaska, and Oklahoma had the highest uninsured rate in 2016, at 16.6 percent, 14.0 percent, and 13.8 percent, respectively. The lowest rates were in Massachusetts, 2.5 percent, Hawaii, 3.5 percent, and Vermont, 3.7 percent.

By employment, the biggest increase in coverage was among those working part-time. The percentage uninsured among this group fell by 9.0 percentage points to 14.8 percent. For those who did not work at all, the percent of uninsured fell by 7.4 percentage points to 15.0 percent. For full-time, full-year, workers the drop was 4.1 percentage points to 9.8 percent.

On the whole, these newest numbers indicate that Obamacare has succeeded somewhat more than expected in extending coverage. The biggest beneficiaries have been people who choose to work part-time (80 percent of part-time employment is voluntary), who no longer need to get coverage through an employer as a result of the exchanges and the expansion of Medicaid.

 

Note: Percent of uninsured for Wyoming has been corrected; thanks, Charles Angevine.

The Census Bureau reported that the percentage of people without health insurance fell by 0.3 percentage points in 2016 to 8.8 percent. This puts the cumulative gain in coverage since 2013, when the main Affordable Care Act provisions took effect, at 4.5 percentage points.

By state, the largest drop in the percent of the population that is uninsured was in California, which had a decline of 9.8 percentage points to 7.3 percent. Next was New Mexico with a decline of 9.5 percentage points, giving it an uninsurance rate of 9.2 percent, and Nevada with a drop of 9.3 percentage points to 11.4 percent.

The smallest decline over this period was in Massachusetts, where the percent uninsured fell by just 1.2 percentage points, but this is due to the fact that it had an uninsured rate of just 3.7 percent in 2013. Wyoming had the second smallest decline, with the rate falling by 1.3 percentage points to 11.5 percent.

Texas, Alaska, and Oklahoma had the highest uninsured rate in 2016, at 16.6 percent, 14.0 percent, and 13.8 percent, respectively. The lowest rates were in Massachusetts, 2.5 percent, Hawaii, 3.5 percent, and Vermont, 3.7 percent.

By employment, the biggest increase in coverage was among those working part-time. The percentage uninsured among this group fell by 9.0 percentage points to 14.8 percent. For those who did not work at all, the percent of uninsured fell by 7.4 percentage points to 15.0 percent. For full-time, full-year, workers the drop was 4.1 percentage points to 9.8 percent.

On the whole, these newest numbers indicate that Obamacare has succeeded somewhat more than expected in extending coverage. The biggest beneficiaries have been people who choose to work part-time (80 percent of part-time employment is voluntary), who no longer need to get coverage through an employer as a result of the exchanges and the expansion of Medicaid.

 

Note: Percent of uninsured for Wyoming has been corrected; thanks, Charles Angevine.

Revising Our Thinking on Retirement Income

C. Adam Bee and Joshua Mitchell, two economists at the Census Bureau, recently released an analysis of retirement income that qualitatively changes our understanding of the well-being of retirees. The analysis matched administrative data (essentially tax filings) with the reported income in the Current Population Survey (CPS), which has been the standard basis for the measurement of household income, including retirement income. Bee and Mitchell found that the income of households in the administrative data was substantially higher than what was reported in the CPS. The overall median for households over age 65 in the administrative data was $44,371 in 2012 (the year that was the basis of their analysis), 30.4 percent higher than the $34,037 reported in the CPS for the same households. Their analysis found sharply higher incomes at all points along the income distribution than what was reported in the CPS. They also show a corresponding reduction in poverty rates among older households. This is good and important news. While there is much room for additional analysis based on the Bee and Mitchell findings, there are two points that jump out. First, defined benefit (DB) pensions have been more effective in supporting retirement incomes than we had realized. This is good news. The second point is not good. There is nothing in the Bee and Mitchell analysis that suggests we had been overly pessimistic about the extent to which defined contribution (DC) pensions will provide adequate income to future retirees. On the first point, by far the largest single source of the gap between the income as measured in the administrative data and income as measured in the CPS is uncounted income from DB pensions. This is due to both the fact that many people who receive a DB benefit do not report it on the CPS and also that many people who do receive a DB benefit under-report the amount.[1] Bee and Mitchell find that DB pensions make a large contribution to the income of older households for the 3rd decile and above in the income distribution. Their results are shown in the table below.     Administrative Data     CPS Data     Income Decile Income DB DB   Income Retirement Retirement     Income Share     Income Share First $7,518 $376 5%   $6,630 $332 5% Second $13,046 $652 5%   $11,620 $465 4% Third $18,841 $2,073 11%   $15,381 $923 6% Fourth $25,171 $4,531 18%   $19,604 $1,960 10% Fifth $32,505 $7,151 22%   $25,075 $4,012 16% Sixth $41,819 $11,291 27%   $31,757 $6,987 22% Seventh $52,646 $14,214 27%   $40,793 $10,606 26% Eighth $67,436 $20,231 30%   $54,286 $15,200 28% Nineth $92,249 $25,830 28%   $76,677 $21,470 28% Tenth $230,579 $46,116 20%   $172,800 $32,832 19%   Source: Bee and Mitchell 2017, Table 9.
C. Adam Bee and Joshua Mitchell, two economists at the Census Bureau, recently released an analysis of retirement income that qualitatively changes our understanding of the well-being of retirees. The analysis matched administrative data (essentially tax filings) with the reported income in the Current Population Survey (CPS), which has been the standard basis for the measurement of household income, including retirement income. Bee and Mitchell found that the income of households in the administrative data was substantially higher than what was reported in the CPS. The overall median for households over age 65 in the administrative data was $44,371 in 2012 (the year that was the basis of their analysis), 30.4 percent higher than the $34,037 reported in the CPS for the same households. Their analysis found sharply higher incomes at all points along the income distribution than what was reported in the CPS. They also show a corresponding reduction in poverty rates among older households. This is good and important news. While there is much room for additional analysis based on the Bee and Mitchell findings, there are two points that jump out. First, defined benefit (DB) pensions have been more effective in supporting retirement incomes than we had realized. This is good news. The second point is not good. There is nothing in the Bee and Mitchell analysis that suggests we had been overly pessimistic about the extent to which defined contribution (DC) pensions will provide adequate income to future retirees. On the first point, by far the largest single source of the gap between the income as measured in the administrative data and income as measured in the CPS is uncounted income from DB pensions. This is due to both the fact that many people who receive a DB benefit do not report it on the CPS and also that many people who do receive a DB benefit under-report the amount.[1] Bee and Mitchell find that DB pensions make a large contribution to the income of older households for the 3rd decile and above in the income distribution. Their results are shown in the table below.     Administrative Data     CPS Data     Income Decile Income DB DB   Income Retirement Retirement     Income Share     Income Share First $7,518 $376 5%   $6,630 $332 5% Second $13,046 $652 5%   $11,620 $465 4% Third $18,841 $2,073 11%   $15,381 $923 6% Fourth $25,171 $4,531 18%   $19,604 $1,960 10% Fifth $32,505 $7,151 22%   $25,075 $4,012 16% Sixth $41,819 $11,291 27%   $31,757 $6,987 22% Seventh $52,646 $14,214 27%   $40,793 $10,606 26% Eighth $67,436 $20,231 30%   $54,286 $15,200 28% Nineth $92,249 $25,830 28%   $76,677 $21,470 28% Tenth $230,579 $46,116 20%   $172,800 $32,832 19%   Source: Bee and Mitchell 2017, Table 9.

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