Beat the Press

Beat the press por Dean Baker

Beat the Press is Dean Baker's commentary on economic reporting. He is a Senior Economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR). To never miss a post, subscribe to a weekly email roundup of Beat the Press. Please also consider supporting the blog on Patreon.

Career Change: Stepping Down as Co-Director

As of today, I am no longer co-director at CEPR. Eileen Appelbaum, who has been a Senior Economist at CEPR for the last decade, will be replacing me as co-director. Prior to that, she was Distinguished Professor and the director of the Center for Women and Work at Rutgers University in New Jersey, the research director at the Economic Policy Institute, and a Professor of Economics at Temple University in Pennsylvania. CEPR will be in good hands.

I am stepping down after 18 years largely because I want more time for doing the work I enjoy and for pursuing personal interests. When Mark Weisbrot and I started CEPR at the end of 1999 we had no idea what to expect. We were one of the last of the dot.com startups, and unlike many others, we have managed to survive for almost two decades now.

I will keep doing work; there is still plenty of room for critical voices in economic policy debates. But I will no longer have administrative responsibilities at CEPR. Hopefully, this will let me be more productive. I expect to continue Beat the Press in its current form long into the future.  

As of today, I am no longer co-director at CEPR. Eileen Appelbaum, who has been a Senior Economist at CEPR for the last decade, will be replacing me as co-director. Prior to that, she was Distinguished Professor and the director of the Center for Women and Work at Rutgers University in New Jersey, the research director at the Economic Policy Institute, and a Professor of Economics at Temple University in Pennsylvania. CEPR will be in good hands.

I am stepping down after 18 years largely because I want more time for doing the work I enjoy and for pursuing personal interests. When Mark Weisbrot and I started CEPR at the end of 1999 we had no idea what to expect. We were one of the last of the dot.com startups, and unlike many others, we have managed to survive for almost two decades now.

I will keep doing work; there is still plenty of room for critical voices in economic policy debates. But I will no longer have administrative responsibilities at CEPR. Hopefully, this will let me be more productive. I expect to continue Beat the Press in its current form long into the future.  

OMG The Old Are Eating the Young!

That one isn't mine, it actually is the title of a Bloomberg column. (The "OMG" is mine.) This one may be a bit over the top: it complains both that we have too many people on the planet and that we have rising ratios of old to young, but it shows that all is fair when it comes to attacks on Social Security and Medicare. Now that the Republicans have just shifted another big chunk of national income to the one percent, it is only natural that the media would focus on the need to cut Social Security and Medicare, put in the guise of generational equity. I'm sure I'll have more occasion to write about this issue, but the basic issue is idiocy from the word go. Will people on average have higher standards of living 20 or 30 years from now than they do today? I know of literally no economic forecast that shows otherwise. The "robots taking our jobs" folks are arguing that they will have hugely higher standards of living, even if they are too confused to know it. Is it possible that most workers won't be sharing in these gains? Absolutely, but that is a story of intra-generational inequality, not inter-generational inequality. It's really that simple.
That one isn't mine, it actually is the title of a Bloomberg column. (The "OMG" is mine.) This one may be a bit over the top: it complains both that we have too many people on the planet and that we have rising ratios of old to young, but it shows that all is fair when it comes to attacks on Social Security and Medicare. Now that the Republicans have just shifted another big chunk of national income to the one percent, it is only natural that the media would focus on the need to cut Social Security and Medicare, put in the guise of generational equity. I'm sure I'll have more occasion to write about this issue, but the basic issue is idiocy from the word go. Will people on average have higher standards of living 20 or 30 years from now than they do today? I know of literally no economic forecast that shows otherwise. The "robots taking our jobs" folks are arguing that they will have hugely higher standards of living, even if they are too confused to know it. Is it possible that most workers won't be sharing in these gains? Absolutely, but that is a story of intra-generational inequality, not inter-generational inequality. It's really that simple.
Okay, I know it was not deliberate, but how about in 2018 we get news reporters and columnists to think seriously about the concepts they are using? After all, at least the ones at elite outlets like the Washington Post are pretty well paid and have prestigious positions. When Dan Balz discusses the Democrats political prospects for 2018 and asks about their economic policy, what does he mean when he asks: "What is their response to concerns among many workers about the impact of globalization — more free trade or a rollback?" The reality is that most formal trade barriers in the form of tariffs or quotas are already zero or very low with US trading partners. There is not much room to lower them further with "more free trade." The trade deals that have been recently under negotiation, like the Trans-Pacific Partnership or the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Pact, don't have much to do with reducing traditional trade barriers. Instead, they are primarily about locking in a regulatory structure that is highly business friendly. This structure includes special tribunals in which foreign investors can bring complaints. These tribunals would overrule domestic laws at the national, state, or local level. (Let me preempt some deliberate stupidity on this issue: the tribunals can't actually take the laws off the books, they can just make the relevant government pay a huge price for keeping the law in question on the books.)
Okay, I know it was not deliberate, but how about in 2018 we get news reporters and columnists to think seriously about the concepts they are using? After all, at least the ones at elite outlets like the Washington Post are pretty well paid and have prestigious positions. When Dan Balz discusses the Democrats political prospects for 2018 and asks about their economic policy, what does he mean when he asks: "What is their response to concerns among many workers about the impact of globalization — more free trade or a rollback?" The reality is that most formal trade barriers in the form of tariffs or quotas are already zero or very low with US trading partners. There is not much room to lower them further with "more free trade." The trade deals that have been recently under negotiation, like the Trans-Pacific Partnership or the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Pact, don't have much to do with reducing traditional trade barriers. Instead, they are primarily about locking in a regulatory structure that is highly business friendly. This structure includes special tribunals in which foreign investors can bring complaints. These tribunals would overrule domestic laws at the national, state, or local level. (Let me preempt some deliberate stupidity on this issue: the tribunals can't actually take the laws off the books, they can just make the relevant government pay a huge price for keeping the law in question on the books.)

I have not generally been in the business of defending Amazon, but I thought I would throw in a word or two of clarification around Donald Trump’s claim that the U.S. Postal Service is “dumber and poorer” because of its deal with Amazon. Trump’s claim is based on a Citigroup study that found that Postal Service loses an average of $1.46 on each package it ships for Amazon. The Postal Service claims that it profits from its arrangement with Amazon and that it would lose business if it raises its rates.

There actually is a very simple explanation for the differing assessments. The Postal Service has a huge amount of fixed costs in the form of retiree benefits and especially retiree health benefits. Congress has required that the Postal Service pre-fund 75 years of retiree health benefits. This requirement sets the Postal Service apart from private businesses, who do little or no pre-funding of retiree health benefits. It also accounts for almost all of the Postal Service’s losses over the last decade.

But the accounting issue is independent of this requirement imposed by Congress. Essentially what the Citigroup study did was impute the largely fixed cost of retiree health benefits to the various sections of the Postal Service’s business. If these costs are imputed to its delivery of packages for Amazon, the Citigroup study finds they are coming up short by $1.46 a package.

But this is just bad economics. The question for the Postal Service is whether it is recovering its marginal costs — the additional amount spent on labor, gas, wear and tear on vehicles, etc. — with the prices it is charging Amazon. The Postal Service claims it does (I have not tried to check their calculations), and if that is true, the Postal Service is coming out ahead from its deal with Amazon.

So the loss claimed by the Citigroup study is clearly wrong and Donald Trump is wrong to be using it to attack the Postal Service, Amazon, and Jeff Bezos. On the other hand, Amazon has gotten a subsidy worth tens of billions of dollars since its creation as a result of not being required to collect sales taxes in most states for most of its existence. This subsidy almost certainly exceeds its cumulative profits since it was created, so people do have serious cause to complain about Amazon.

I have not generally been in the business of defending Amazon, but I thought I would throw in a word or two of clarification around Donald Trump’s claim that the U.S. Postal Service is “dumber and poorer” because of its deal with Amazon. Trump’s claim is based on a Citigroup study that found that Postal Service loses an average of $1.46 on each package it ships for Amazon. The Postal Service claims that it profits from its arrangement with Amazon and that it would lose business if it raises its rates.

There actually is a very simple explanation for the differing assessments. The Postal Service has a huge amount of fixed costs in the form of retiree benefits and especially retiree health benefits. Congress has required that the Postal Service pre-fund 75 years of retiree health benefits. This requirement sets the Postal Service apart from private businesses, who do little or no pre-funding of retiree health benefits. It also accounts for almost all of the Postal Service’s losses over the last decade.

But the accounting issue is independent of this requirement imposed by Congress. Essentially what the Citigroup study did was impute the largely fixed cost of retiree health benefits to the various sections of the Postal Service’s business. If these costs are imputed to its delivery of packages for Amazon, the Citigroup study finds they are coming up short by $1.46 a package.

But this is just bad economics. The question for the Postal Service is whether it is recovering its marginal costs — the additional amount spent on labor, gas, wear and tear on vehicles, etc. — with the prices it is charging Amazon. The Postal Service claims it does (I have not tried to check their calculations), and if that is true, the Postal Service is coming out ahead from its deal with Amazon.

So the loss claimed by the Citigroup study is clearly wrong and Donald Trump is wrong to be using it to attack the Postal Service, Amazon, and Jeff Bezos. On the other hand, Amazon has gotten a subsidy worth tens of billions of dollars since its creation as a result of not being required to collect sales taxes in most states for most of its existence. This subsidy almost certainly exceeds its cumulative profits since it was created, so people do have serious cause to complain about Amazon.

The Washington Post ran an article telling readers that employers are finding it difficult to attract qualified workers. As the piece says:

“Firms that save money from the tax cuts may simply be unable to find more workers to hire at the price they are willing to pay.”

This is really the core of the problem. There is apparently a huge skills gap among employers at firms across the country. They don’t seem to understand basic market principles. If they want to hire more workers, then they have to offer higher wages.

There are always workers out there. They may work for a competitor or live in another city, but for a high enough wage they will change jobs or move. According to the Post piece, many employers don’t seem to understand this basic fact, leaving them unable to get the workers they say they need.

The Post piece suggests this problem is widespread. It notes manufacturing and trucking as areas facing serious labor shortages. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the average hourly wage in manufacturing has risen by just 1.6 percent over the last year. That is slightly less than inflation over this period. The average hourly wage has risen by 4.4 percent in trucking over the last year, but this increase comes after a rise of just 1.0 percent in 2016 and a modest decline in 2015. If competent employers were facing a labor shortage, wages would be rising far more rapidly.

It is also worth noting that these labor shortage pieces are 180 degrees at odds with the “robots taking our jobs” story. That is a story of a labor glut. It is incredible that we often see these stories of labor shortages and labor glut running side by side. It would be like having an article warning of bone-chilling cold right next to an article talking about a record heat wave. In principle, one or the other can be the case, but both cannot be true at the same time.

The Washington Post ran an article telling readers that employers are finding it difficult to attract qualified workers. As the piece says:

“Firms that save money from the tax cuts may simply be unable to find more workers to hire at the price they are willing to pay.”

This is really the core of the problem. There is apparently a huge skills gap among employers at firms across the country. They don’t seem to understand basic market principles. If they want to hire more workers, then they have to offer higher wages.

There are always workers out there. They may work for a competitor or live in another city, but for a high enough wage they will change jobs or move. According to the Post piece, many employers don’t seem to understand this basic fact, leaving them unable to get the workers they say they need.

The Post piece suggests this problem is widespread. It notes manufacturing and trucking as areas facing serious labor shortages. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the average hourly wage in manufacturing has risen by just 1.6 percent over the last year. That is slightly less than inflation over this period. The average hourly wage has risen by 4.4 percent in trucking over the last year, but this increase comes after a rise of just 1.0 percent in 2016 and a modest decline in 2015. If competent employers were facing a labor shortage, wages would be rising far more rapidly.

It is also worth noting that these labor shortage pieces are 180 degrees at odds with the “robots taking our jobs” story. That is a story of a labor glut. It is incredible that we often see these stories of labor shortages and labor glut running side by side. It would be like having an article warning of bone-chilling cold right next to an article talking about a record heat wave. In principle, one or the other can be the case, but both cannot be true at the same time.

The New York Times had an article on President Trump’s plans to cut the US contribution to the United Nations. The article told readers:

“Under a formula tied to economic size and other measurements established under an article of the United Nations Charter, the United States is responsible for 22 percent of the United Nations operating budget, the largest contribution. It paid about $1.2 billion of the 2016-2017 budget of $5.4 billion.

“The United States also is the largest single financial contributor, at 28.5 percent, to a separate budget for United Nations peacekeeping operations, which totals $6.8 billion in the 2017-2018 budget finalized in June.”

This might have led readers to believe that the combined total of slightly less than $3.1 billion is a substantial cost to US taxpayers. In fact, it is slightly less than 0.08 percent of projected federal spending in 2018. While the value of this spending can be debated, it will not lead to major savings to the government if it is cut back or even eliminated altogether.

It would have been helpful if the NYT had made some effort to put this number in context since virtually none of its readers has any idea of the importance of this level of spending as it is written in the piece.

The New York Times had an article on President Trump’s plans to cut the US contribution to the United Nations. The article told readers:

“Under a formula tied to economic size and other measurements established under an article of the United Nations Charter, the United States is responsible for 22 percent of the United Nations operating budget, the largest contribution. It paid about $1.2 billion of the 2016-2017 budget of $5.4 billion.

“The United States also is the largest single financial contributor, at 28.5 percent, to a separate budget for United Nations peacekeeping operations, which totals $6.8 billion in the 2017-2018 budget finalized in June.”

This might have led readers to believe that the combined total of slightly less than $3.1 billion is a substantial cost to US taxpayers. In fact, it is slightly less than 0.08 percent of projected federal spending in 2018. While the value of this spending can be debated, it will not lead to major savings to the government if it is cut back or even eliminated altogether.

It would have been helpful if the NYT had made some effort to put this number in context since virtually none of its readers has any idea of the importance of this level of spending as it is written in the piece.

NYT Pushes Trump View of Tax Cuts in Major News Stories

Most economists didn’t accept the view that the corporate tax cuts pushed through by the Trump administration and the Republican Congress would lead to a large increase in investment in the United States. (See, for example, this piece by Larry Summers.) This is why few accepted the claim that the additional growth from the tax cut would offset much or all of the revenue lost.

However, The New York Times appears to have accepted the Trump administration’s view in an article arguing that European countries may start cutting taxes as well in order to remain competitive. The piece presents the views of two top executives of major foreign companies arguing that other countries will have to respond by also lowering their corporate tax rates.

It is not surprising that executives of major foreign corporations would argue that their companies need tax cuts. After all, the political philosophy that rich people need tax cuts goes beyond the United States. The NYT should have included the views on this topic of someone who does not stand to profit in a major way from large tax cuts elsewhere.

Most economists didn’t accept the view that the corporate tax cuts pushed through by the Trump administration and the Republican Congress would lead to a large increase in investment in the United States. (See, for example, this piece by Larry Summers.) This is why few accepted the claim that the additional growth from the tax cut would offset much or all of the revenue lost.

However, The New York Times appears to have accepted the Trump administration’s view in an article arguing that European countries may start cutting taxes as well in order to remain competitive. The piece presents the views of two top executives of major foreign companies arguing that other countries will have to respond by also lowering their corporate tax rates.

It is not surprising that executives of major foreign corporations would argue that their companies need tax cuts. After all, the political philosophy that rich people need tax cuts goes beyond the United States. The NYT should have included the views on this topic of someone who does not stand to profit in a major way from large tax cuts elsewhere.

The Trump Tax Cuts’ Secret Santa

No one should have any doubt about the main impact of the Republican tax cuts. These tax cuts are about giving more money to the richest people in the country. After four decades of the largest upward redistribution in the history of the world, the Republican tax cuts give even more money to the big winners. In TrumpWorld, that makes sense. Instead of spending money to rebuild our infrastructure, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, provide quality child care or affordable college, we’re going to hand more money to Donald Trump and his family and friends. However, even in the cesspool known as the “Tax Cuts and Jobs Act,” there are some changes for the better. These are worth noting and expanding upon when saner creatures gain power. Doubling the Standard Deduction The first and perhaps most important item on this list is the doubling of the standard deduction. This is really a good thing; it means that the vast majority of people will have no reason to itemize their deductions. We will spend over $27 billion this year (an average of almost $200 per household) on fees associated with filing taxes. In addition, many people waste hours of their time preparing documents and then worrying about making mistakes. Anything we can do to make this process simpler and cheaper is for the good.
No one should have any doubt about the main impact of the Republican tax cuts. These tax cuts are about giving more money to the richest people in the country. After four decades of the largest upward redistribution in the history of the world, the Republican tax cuts give even more money to the big winners. In TrumpWorld, that makes sense. Instead of spending money to rebuild our infrastructure, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, provide quality child care or affordable college, we’re going to hand more money to Donald Trump and his family and friends. However, even in the cesspool known as the “Tax Cuts and Jobs Act,” there are some changes for the better. These are worth noting and expanding upon when saner creatures gain power. Doubling the Standard Deduction The first and perhaps most important item on this list is the doubling of the standard deduction. This is really a good thing; it means that the vast majority of people will have no reason to itemize their deductions. We will spend over $27 billion this year (an average of almost $200 per household) on fees associated with filing taxes. In addition, many people waste hours of their time preparing documents and then worrying about making mistakes. Anything we can do to make this process simpler and cheaper is for the good.
An NYT article on the Republican tax cut told readers: "When President Trump adds his distinctive signature to the tax bill, he will also be making a huge bet that the Republican strategy of deep cuts for businesses and wealthy individuals will fuel extraordinary growth across the board."Perhaps more than any other American political leader, Mr. Trump knows that long shots, like his own presidential bid, sometimes pay off. In that vein, he and congressional Republicans are arguing that their bitterly contested and expensive rewrite of the tax code will ultimately create more jobs and raise wages."If they are proved correct, they will be repudiating not only historical experience, but most experts. From Congress’s own prognosticators to Wall Street’s virtuosos, scarcely any independent analyses project anything like the rosy forecasts offered by the president’s top economic advisers." While this is a correct assessment of the views of economists, there is another possibility left out of this discussion, the economy may already be on a faster growth path for reasons having nothing to do with the tax cut.
An NYT article on the Republican tax cut told readers: "When President Trump adds his distinctive signature to the tax bill, he will also be making a huge bet that the Republican strategy of deep cuts for businesses and wealthy individuals will fuel extraordinary growth across the board."Perhaps more than any other American political leader, Mr. Trump knows that long shots, like his own presidential bid, sometimes pay off. In that vein, he and congressional Republicans are arguing that their bitterly contested and expensive rewrite of the tax code will ultimately create more jobs and raise wages."If they are proved correct, they will be repudiating not only historical experience, but most experts. From Congress’s own prognosticators to Wall Street’s virtuosos, scarcely any independent analyses project anything like the rosy forecasts offered by the president’s top economic advisers." While this is a correct assessment of the views of economists, there is another possibility left out of this discussion, the economy may already be on a faster growth path for reasons having nothing to do with the tax cut.

The Republicans in Congress and Donald Trump were really hoping to sock it to the blue states like California and New York, which voted against him by large margins. This is what limiting the deduction for state and local income and property taxes is all about. These states also have relatively high taxes because they try to do things like provide people with decent health care and education.

However, it is not difficult to design a way around the Trump scam. States can impose state-level, employer-side payroll taxes. For the most part, these taxes would be deducted from workers’ pay (e.g. if an employer has to pay a 5 percent payroll tax, she will likely reduce her workers’ pay by 5 percent), but this has the great advantage that workers will not be taxed on money that they don’t see.

If the income tax is reduced by the same amount as the payroll tax, the state gets the same amount of money, the worker ends up in the same place and the Republicans don’t get to screw the blue states. Oh yeah, the federal government ends up with less revenue, but that will be happening anyhow as the accountants and tax lawyers get to their games.

The Republicans in Congress and Donald Trump were really hoping to sock it to the blue states like California and New York, which voted against him by large margins. This is what limiting the deduction for state and local income and property taxes is all about. These states also have relatively high taxes because they try to do things like provide people with decent health care and education.

However, it is not difficult to design a way around the Trump scam. States can impose state-level, employer-side payroll taxes. For the most part, these taxes would be deducted from workers’ pay (e.g. if an employer has to pay a 5 percent payroll tax, she will likely reduce her workers’ pay by 5 percent), but this has the great advantage that workers will not be taxed on money that they don’t see.

If the income tax is reduced by the same amount as the payroll tax, the state gets the same amount of money, the worker ends up in the same place and the Republicans don’t get to screw the blue states. Oh yeah, the federal government ends up with less revenue, but that will be happening anyhow as the accountants and tax lawyers get to their games.

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